Question 1: Is this fun? Or what?

Answer: Yes, and historic, too. If not the closest major-party, major-office primary anywhere, ever, it’s close. If nothing else, the Democratic primary is more fun to talk about than the economy, the sundry wars, or, for you Red Sox fans (one of which the News Guy confesses he is not, save when they play the Yankees), baseball. This election has it all: drama, suspense, even a little humor. So enjoy.

Question 2: Is having no winner (yet) bad for the Democrats, meaning good for Republican Brian Dubie?

Answer: Yes. But, then again, no.

Sure, the Democrats would be happier to have an undisputed winner, rather than one guy (Peter Shumlin) leading another (Doug Racine) by 192 votes, and only some 500 votes ahead of the third-place finisher (Deb Markowitz).

The Dems had hoped to hit the ground sprinting Wednesday, raising money and debating Dubie. The first debate had been scheduled for tomorrow evening (the News Guy was to have ‘liveblogged’ it from on site in South Burlington) but it has been postponed. Democrats think and Republicans fear that either Shumlin or Racine (and perhaps Markowitz, too) is a better debater than Dubie, who has a history of trying to meet his opponents one-on-one as rarely as possible. Now the Democrats will have to wait.

Question 3: For how long?

Answer: At least until Friday, maybe until Tuesday, or maybe even for another week after that. Racine issued a statement Wednesday saying he would not concede until the “official results” are released, which he said could come as early as Friday or as late as next Tuesday

Those official results could differ from the unofficial count showing Shumlin ahead. Early counts are often bedeviled by transcription errors, typographical errors, failures to communicate. Over the next few days, town clerks and other election officials will edit themselves and do some recapitulating. Who knows what their final count will be?

Whatever it is, both the second and third place finishers will be close enough to the leader to demand a recount, which could take another week or so.

Question 4: Wait a minute. Didn’t the last statewide recount take closer to two weeks?

Answer: Yes, but that was a general election, for Auditor in 2006, in which the top two candidates got 223,438 between them. Tuesday, slightly more than 72,000 people voted in the Democratic primary, a good turnout, but fewer ballots to count.

Question 5: But won’t another week’s delay be really bad for the Democrats?

Answer: Yes. Or, then again, maybe no. It would cost the eventual winner more valuable time, and it would be a real impediment to fund-raising. On the other hand, the delay would also keep Dubie out of the news and off-stage, or at least away from the center of the stage.

That’s where the top Democrats would be, right in the spotlight, where they are still looking good, acting like grown-ups and treating one another with civility. Shumlin did release a victory statement of sorts yesterday, but it was restrained. So far, the Democrats are neither strutting nor whining.

Question 6: How does anyone know that a recount would be more accurate?

Answer: Because it’s overseen by the courts and operates under much more rigorous standards. Each candidate can have a representative on site (the Washington County courthouse in Montpelier) to challenge any ballot that seems unusual and to monitor the tally. A recount would remove all reasonable doubt that the winner really got more votes than any of his or her opponents.

Question 7: So why not just agree on a recount right now?

Answer: Not a bad question. In fact, unless the leader has a margin of at least 400 or 500 votes,  it might be good politics for whoever wins the official tally to be the one calling for a recount. There will be one anyway if either opponent demands it, the chances are that the leader will still be ahead when the recount is over, and both the candidate and the party will appear public-spirited and generous.

Question 8: Aren’t Democrats worried that all those (mostly) young volunteers who worked so hard for one of the top three will be even more disheartened if one of the others ends up with the nomination, and therefore might not work for the nominee in the fall campaign?

Answer: Yes, and that’s a reasonable worry. But first of all there’s nothing they can do about it, and second it doesn’t loom as a major problem. These candidates, bland if enlightened, did not arouse much emotion. Even most of those who learned to love Candidate A didn’t seem to work up much animosity for Candidates B and C. Most of those campaign volunteers are first and foremost Democrats who want the Democratic nominee to win. They may have to work through a week or so of petulance and grumbling. But most of them will be knocking on doors for (fill in the nominee’s name) by mid-September.

Question 9: How did the Democrats get themselves into this pickle to begin with? Couldn’t they have locked all five candidates in a room and read them the riot act until at least two of them dropped out to seek another office or wait for another day?

Answer: It doesn’t work that way any more, if it ever did. Not just in Vermont, either., It hardly works that way anywhere.

Chicago Democrats or Dallas Republicans? Maybe. But that’s about it. No state party committee, and certainly not Vermont’s, has anywhere near the kind of power over ambitious candidates, who increasingly select themselves. The threat, ‘drop out or else,’ to any candidate would be met by the question, ‘or else what?’

At which point the threatener would have nothing to say. So nobody threatens.

OK, that’s enough questions for now. But remember, this is a good show our pols are putting on for the next few days. Enjoy it.

Scroll down for the earlier version of today’s post.

And don’t forget: The News Guy will be on Vermont Public Television’s ‘Vermont This Week’ Friday.

So what kind of governor – based on the (sort of) detailed economic policy statements all have now unveiled – would any of these five Democratic candidates for governor be?

A Democratic governor, that’s what kind.

Whatever their differences – and there are some – all the Democrats propose to govern the state as one would expect a Democrat would govern. Unlike Brian Dubie, the unopposed Republican one of them will run against after Tuesday’s primary, not one of them promises to cut taxes.

Which does not mean any would raise taxes. Only one even dares to mention the possibility, and the possibilities he mentions are either temporary or selective or both.

So to say that the Democrats would govern like Democrats is not to say that they would govern as Republican caricatures of Democrats, the kind who would make the rich pay higher taxes to finance more generous services for the poor.

These are five center-left Democrats. One or two are a tad lefter and one or two a tad centerer than the others. But as is often the case, Candidate A might be slightly to the left of Candidate B on one issue, but slightly to the right of him/her on another. So where one puts them along the ideological spectrum (assuming that the ideological spectrum is important) depends on which issues any voter finds most important.

From one perspective, for instance, Doug Racine might be considered the most liberal of the contenders. He’s the one who’s open to tapping into the “Rainy Day Fund” or even imposing a temporary tax hike (though he doesn’t think it’s needed now) to avoid budget cuts harmful to the poor. He’s even suggested making sure Internet sales are subject to the state sales tax, and perhaps a special tax on sugar-heavy processed snacks and sodas.

But Racine’s overall policy outlook is relatively restrained. He proposes no big spending programs. Instead he wants to “get back to basics” by being a governor who is “directly involved in every phase of our economic development strategy,” starting with the selection of “the right Secretary of Commerce and Community Development.”

Racine, then, seems to be pledging to improve the state’s economy less by a specific economic program than by his own forceful leadership, with which he hopes to energize state government.

By contrast, Matt Dunne’s rhetoric is unabashedly pro-business. His economic policy paper is titled, “The Innovation State: a Business Plan for Vermont,” and he even accepts the Republican complaint that the state’s economy is held back by “complicated regulations and taxes (and) burdensome costs.”

But Dunne’s specific policy proposals are possibly the most audacious of the bunch (if not always the most comprehensible, at least to those to whom power point presentations remain exotic). He’s calling on the state to issue two separate revenue bonds, each for roughly $400 million, one to finance renewable energy production, the other to bring high-speed Internet service “to the last mile” of every road in the state.

Similarly, Susan Bartlett, the self-described “moderate” in the race, has one of the more novel ideas. Arguing that “innovation and entrepreneurs have always been a part of Vermont,” and could be “true job creators,” Bartlett would establish an ”Office of Innovation and Intellectual Property” to “coordinate the various pieces of our business support organizations (and) educate regional economic development groups about the potential of intellectual property.”

The other two candidates, arguably the most establishment as well as (by the conventional political wisdom) the front-runners, exhibit a comparable mix of caution and daring. Deb Markowitz’s “Jump Start VT” (she does not use spaces between the words; there are depths of degradation to which this web site will not descend) isn’t just an economic policy document. It’s an all-purpose laundry list of positions on issues ranging from ethnic diversity to education.

No sweeping, big-spending programs, but a few bold moves. Markowitz would emulate New Hampshire and require young Vermonters to stay in school until they are 18 unless they have graduated and she would take state money out of big banks that don’t grant adequate credit to Vermont businesses.

Peter Shumlin does have one big-spending plan, $33 million to provide “universal pre-kindergarten education” statewide. But he would pay for it, according to his economic policy (“Vision for Vermont,” spaces in the original) by releasing the state’s imprisoned “non-violent offenders back into society,” which he claims would save $40 million.

Shumlin’s numbers seem to be accurate. His confidence that the Legislature will agree to such a large-scale release of convicted criminals may be misplaced.

As any Vermonter who has been watching television in recent weeks knows, Shumlin also wants to bring a single-payer health care financing system to the state. So does Dunne. Racine favors a similar approach, though he doesn’t say so on his campaign web site, calling only for “universal” coverage. That’s what Bartlett and Markowitz want, too.

Does this mean that if one of these candidates gets elected, Vermonters can expect a universal health insurance system?

No, at least not for a while. The single-payer option is especially iffy, being, for the moment, illegal until 2017 under the new national health law. Sen. Bernie Sanders, the U.S. Senate champion of a “Medicare for all” plan, has said he will try next year to get Congress to move that date up to 2014. Congress seems unlikely to comply, and at any rate, 2014 is two years beyond the term of the governor to be elected this November.

Health care is not the only area of near-unanimity among the Democrats. They all want to bring high-speed Internet to everyone.  They all want to provide small businesses with more credit options. They all want Vermonters to produce and consume more “sustainable” energy, created neither from fossil fuels nor from the Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant, which they all think should shut down when its license expires in 2012. They all want to use the state’s higher education institutions to help spark a knowledge-based “green” economy.

All five also clutter their position papers with stale bromides. “I want every family to know that if they encourage their children to do well in school and to work hard, they will be better off,” proclaims Racine. “To move together as a state we will need to work together,” intones Markowitz. “Build a Vermont future that is a global leader in the innovation economy, based on a foundation of authentic communities, strategic location, and our premium Vermont brand,” says Dunne.

If pressed, all five would probably endorse motherhood and apple pie, too.

Another commonality is that, like most candidates these days, the Democrats (Shumlin’s pre-kindergarten plan being the exception) make little effort to provide the nitty-gritty details of how much their proposals will cost and how they would pay for them.

In fairness, most of their plans wouldn’t cost much, and they all suggest trimming some state programs. But, just to take one example, Dunne does not seem to have asked an economist to run the numbers on how (or whether) the revenues from Internet and energy users would pay off those $400 million bonds. The other contenders are comparably vague about how they would pay for everything they suggest.

It may be too early to condemn the candidates for this fuzziness. At this point, only Democratic primary voters care what the candidates say, and they are saying enough to give those voters an idea of how each of them would try to govern the state. Each is presenting a vision. Whether the numbers add up isn’t all that important yet.

After all, they are running for governor, not emperor. Governors do not promulgate programs. They suggest them to the Legislature, which will create nothing it can’t pay for. Almost certainly, that means pay for without raising taxes, which the candidates (Racine’s limited exceptions noted above) don’t want to do, either. Like presidents, governors not only don’t get everything they want, they end up not even asking for everything they really want.

It’s still helpful for the voters to know what the governor-to-be really wants.

This generosity of spirit will not last long. Whoever wins the Democratic primary and Brian Dubie will both be pressed harder to tell the voters how they will pay for new programs or for tax cuts. But that’s for next week.

Note One: An Apology– Thanks to the storms of Tuesday evening, the News Guy kept getting disconnected from the Internet. In the rush to finish writing, and to get the post into the system before the connection broke again, confusion prevailed more than it usually does. As some readers noticed, the post got posted twice. As at least one reader noticed, the first reference to the town of Hartford called it “Hartland,” another town entirely, if not that far away. Apologies to all readers and to the residents of both towns.

Note Two: The Next Two Weeks–As previously announced, the News Guy is going to take some time off. Admittedly, not the best timing, what with the primary on August 24, only a little more than two weeks away. But even primaries have to take a back seat to family events and school vacation periods.

So there will be no posts next Monday or Wednesday. There will be one on Friday, and it will be an in-depth analysis of the economic policy proposals of the five Democratic candidates for governor, one of which is not scheduled to be released until next week. (Republican candidate Brian Dubie has said he will release his after the primary).

There will also be no posts the following Monday and Wednesday (August 16 and 18), but there will be one on Friday, the 20^th, after which the regular Monday-Wednesday-Friday schedule will resume.

Note Three: A Clarification– Chris Roy, one of the two Republican candidates for Secretary of State, took issue with the News Guy’s assessment in last Friday’s post, Getting Tetchy, that he “seems to be losing” the primary race to Jason Gibbs.

Roy may have a point. He agreed that Gibbs has more money in the bank,(though Roy who has been running far longer, has raised more overall), has the support of Gov. Jim Douglas, and has been more successful in getting his name into the news.

But, Roy said, in what is likely to be a very low turnout, his “targeted” campaign, based on “a very focused mailing program and very focused phone call program” could propel him to victory.

So it could. At any rate, he provides a worthwhile reminder. Much attention has been paid to the likely Democratic primary turnout, with estimates ranging as low as 40,000. But at least the Democrats have a real race for governor, the highest-profile position. On the GOP side, though, nobody is challenging Dubie or U.S. Senate candidate Len Britton (whose prospects against Sen. Patrick Leahy are bleak anyway). Yes, there is a three-way contest for the U.S. House seat. But it is among three little-known long shots against Rep. Peter Welch, and therefore not likely to arouse much enthusiasm among rank and file Republicans. The Republican primary turnout could be really anemic.

Note Four: An Assessment– Speaking of the Democratic primary, has anyone noticed that it is one of the weirdest political campaigns in recent years, and not just in Vermont?

That’s because of what has happened in the race: nothing. Usually, in political campaigns, the process creates its own dynamic. Either Candidate A makes a fool of him/her-self, or Candidate B gets accused of some misdeed or peccadillo, or Candidate C makes a magnificent speech that captivates 5,000 cheering supporters in an arena, or some bizarre event not directly connected to the campaign plays to some candidate’s strength, or….well, or something.

If nothing else, in a close race the candidates start attacking each other. Or at least the candidates who are behind in the polls start attacking the front-runner. Rarely do these attacks enlighten, but they often get folks more interested.

Not here, at least not yet, and there’s not much time left. This race is about where it was when it began. It pits five honorable, responsible and not very exciting mainstream Democrats battling each other for the biggest share of the primary pie. Not one of them has stumbled. Not one of them has really caught on.

As to attacking, it isn’t certain that any of them knows how. Or, perhaps more likely, all are reluctant to start attacks because they know the attacker would be hurt as much as the attackee.

Just from the political perspective, the major recent development was Peter Shumlin’s decision to start television ads last month. The ads are pretty good, but as far as can be determined (not very far, there being no public polls) they haven’t much changed the structure of the race. Maybe, it being midsummer, voter are simply not paying enough attention.

All this is good news for Deb Markowitz, who started as the best-known, best-liked of the contenders, and seems not to have lost a step. True, as a candidate Markowitz is not exciting. But she’s likeable, and the other four haven’t inspired the voters to mobilize behind their banners, either.

Note Five: A Critique—The good news that came out of the Associated Press’s interviews with all six candidates about how, if elected, they would deal with next year’s likely budget shortfall, is that one candidate had a very specific idea which would clearly save money, and the candidate knew how much money the idea would save.

The bad news is that it would save only $16,000.

The idea was Markowitz’s pledge not to accept the $61 per diem allotment for the governor’s meals. She said the governor of Vermont earns enough to pay for her own meals.

From other candidates, the responses ranged between imprecise and arguably inaccurate. Bartlett said Vermont could save money by bringing home some of the prisoners it now sends to out-of-state facilities, though one reason the state sends prisoners elsewhere is that it’s cheaper. Shumlin said the state could save as much as $50 million by more closely policing some $250 million of outside consulting work, which might cut costs as much as 15 percent.

But 15 percent of $250 million is $37.5 million, not $50 million.

Then there was the candidate who, asked how he would reduce the budget gap, proposed increasing it.

That was Dubie, who told the AP he would make the budget easier to balance by cutting taxes.

“A gradual reduction in taxes will put more money in the hands of hardworking Vermonters,” Dubie said.

Yes, it will. And with more money in their hands, Vermonters (including the ones who don’t work all that hard) will pay more in taxes. But not enough more to offset the revenue loss the tax cuts will create. Whether cutting taxes is a good idea is debatable. That it will reduce revenue and therefore make the budget gap bigger, not smaller, is not. It will.